by: JOHNY MERCADO
“Please,” the slim lady with doe eyes, asked in English that hinted at her Oxford schooling. “Use your liberty to promote ours.”
Filipinos take for granted the freedom that People Power restored. But we’ve failed to fully respond to Nobel Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi’s plea for the suppressed people of Burma. “Ms. Suu Kyi and her people need us now more than ever,” her friends plead.
The military junta kept her under house arrest for over 13 years now. Her crime was to win Burma’s last free elections by a landslide. Monday, she was brought to trial at the notorious Insein prison.
Any hope for decency in the generals who rule Burma is baseless. Former postal clerk General Than Shwe, became head of state in 1992.
He suppressed dissent. Gen. Maung Aye is a xenophobe linked to Golden Triangle drug lords. General Soe Win smashed Burma’s democracy party. The tatmadaw (military) barred the Insein courtroom. Ambassadors from Britain, France, Germany, Australia were denied entry. Asean broke it’s lip-zippere silence of Asean and warned Burma: Its credibility was at stake in the trial. Manila asked for her release.
Burmese respectfully call Ms. Suu Kyi “the Lady.” She faces a five year jail term. What for? A nutty Mormom swam across a lake and, slipping past security, entered uninvited to Ms. Suu Kyi’s house. Violation of house arrest terms, prosecutors say.
“Most analysts view the charges as a pretext for extending her latest six-year term of house arrest which ends this month,” New York Times noted. Elections are scheduled early next year. The junta would formalize dominance of the tatmadaw in a farcical Constitution. Junta-handpicked delegates languidly took 14 years to write a draft constitution. Few Burmese have read it. But the few copies leaked shows a quarter of parliament’s seats are locked in for the military. They’re given immunity from prosecution for past crimes.
The tatmadaw is cemented by fear and privilege, journalist Seth Mydans writes. Budget for the military is seven times that for health. They have special schools. “And they also have opportunities to tap into the gray economy of graft.”
Paranoia infects various provisions of the constitution. . Buddhist monks are stripped of the vote.
That’s reaction to the 2007 peaceful “Saffron Revolt.” Thousands of monks led citizens in non- violent demonstrations. They filed past Ms. Suu Kyi’s home. There is much to protest.
Misrule impoverished one of the region’s richest country in natural resources. A Burmese’s life expectancy is 60 years. Compare that to a Singaporean’s 78. Infant mortality is 76, far greater than Vietnam’s 17. Maternal deaths are nine times higher than Malaysia’s. And Burma has 36 doctors for every 100,000 citizens compared to 134 for the Philippines.
Hopes for a repeat of Edsa, Czechoslovakia’s “Velvet Uprising” or Lebanon’s “Cedar Revolution”, were smashed by bloody suppression. “The total death toll is not known. “Here in Burma, we are born afraid,” a senior monk told BBC.
Paranoia over this 63- year old daughter of Burmese independence hero Aung San is apparent. Presidential candidates with foreign spouses or children are barred. Burmese know who is the target. Ms. Suu Kyi’s late husband was Oxford professor Michael Aris. Their two sons are UK citizens.
“Is the world willing to accept such an absurdity?” asked Nobel Laureate Desmond Tutu of South Africa, Vaclav Havel of the Czech Republic and former German president Richard von Weisacker.
Of course not. Even China is reduced to making noises about “stability and reform.”
Ordinary Burmese pay dearly for leadership paranoia that interlocks with xenophobia.
The junta blocked foreign aid after the deadliest cyclone, in 38 years, hit Burma. Over 134,000 died and up to 2.4 million were beggared.
“Killing citizens is what the generals know,” the Telegraph said then. Providing emergency relief seems beyond them.”
But even the crassest of dictators pine for a fig leaf of legitimacy. Ferdinand Marcos did. So, he corralled voters into his farcical “citizens assemblies.”
Thus, even at the height of cyclone Nagris, the tatmadaw herded storm-traumatized voters into a referendum for a constitution they lacked since 1988.
This trial is the most aggressive action the ruling junta had taken in recent years. One reason is Ms. Suu Kyi, 63, has remained a rallying figure—much as Corazon Aquino did during the Marcos dictatorship. Despite harsh curbs, small groups demonstrated in Yangon’s streets. But chances for People Power massing seems thin.
The Insein trial has triggered broad condemnation from the UN. The US announced last week that it’s curbs on Burma would be extended for another year. European Union foreign policy chief Javier Solano said: “It’s not the moment to lower sanctions, it’s the moment in any case to increase them.”
“Ms. Suu Kyi’s case matters, not only because she is a Nobel Peace Prize Laureate,” her supporters wrote in Wall Street Journal.
“Her situation is representative of the suffering of the 47 million people of Burma under an authoritarian and inept junta. There are few regimes in the world as illegitimate and cruel as General Than Shwe. When the world fails to stand up for Ms. Suu Kyi, it fails the oppressed Burmese people.”
“The night can not get darker after midnight,” says the old Burmese proverb. But it did suppression in suppression of the “Saffron Revolution.” It threatens to become pitch dark with the kangaroo court in Insein prison.
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